BLACK SEA BASIN REGIONAL PROFILE:

THE SECURITY SITUATION AND THE REGION-BUILDING OPPORTUNITIES

 

(A Background and October - December 2000 Issue in Brief)

© Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS), Sofia

Research Study 8

Hard Copy: ISSN 1311 – 3259

AN ISN SPONSORED QUARTERLY ELECTRONIC PERIODICAL


I.   INTRODUCTION

II.   PROFILE BACKGROUND OF THE BLACK SEA BASIN

1.  Geopolitical and Geostrategic Tendencies
2.  Sources of Conflict in the Black Sea-Caspian Sea Region

III.   CONFLICTS AND POST-CONFLICT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE BLACK SEA AREA

1.  Post-Conflict Issues in Chechnya
2.  The Abkhasian Conflict

3.  The Transdniestria Conflict

IV.   THE NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES: SPECIFIC DEVELOPMENTS

1.  Azerbaijan
2.  Georgia

3.  Russia

4.  Ukraine

V.   BILATERAL AND THE MULTILATERAL RELATIONS IN THE BLACK SEA AREA

1.  Bilateral Relations
2.  Multilateral Relations

VI.   STATE OF THE REGIONAL INITIATIVES

1.  The Economic Situation in the Individual Countries and in the Region
2.  Political and Security Aspects of the Black Sea Regional Cooperation

VII.   EXTERANL FACTORS (STATES AND INSTITUTIONS) INFLUENCING THE BLACK SEA REGION

1.  USA
2.  Council of Europe (CE)

3.  EU

4.  NATO

VIII.   THE SECURITY SITUATION AND THE REGION-BUILDING OPPORTUNITIES: CONCLUSIONS

 


I.   INTRODUCTION

The change in the US administration signals potential changes in the emphasis of US policy in the broad Black Sea-Transcaucasus-Caspian Sea region.  Oil and gas considerations will be a major reason for the eventual re-interpretation and re-definition of particular US engagements in this delicate geopolitical knot of contradictions, conflicts, and opportunities for cooperation.

Russia continued her efforts in proving the influential – if not the dominating – position of the federation in political and security factors as well as in the oil and gas energy sectors in the same geopolitical and geoeconomic space.

The European Union (EU) is stepping into the area very cautiously as a major actor, although local regional factors such as Turkey and Iran along with a dozen smaller states and contending ethnic entities also try to prove the significance of their individual roles in influencing the stability and economy of the region.

The eastern and western parts of the Black Sea basin assume different geopolitical qualities relative to the EU integration area:  The western Black Sea coastal countries are getting closer to their prospective EU membership, while the eastern part of the basin is considered more and more as a neighborhood whose stability is of the utmost importance to the EU.  At the same time, the existing groupings and organizations of countries like the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Organization of Black Sea Economic Cooperation (OBSEC) are facing major identity problems.

The clear overlap of the interests of the US, Russia, and the EU was registered in anti-terrorist activity, mainly against the Afghan Talibans.

II.   PROFILE BACKGROUND OF THE BLACK SEA BASIN

1.  Geopolitical and Geostrategic Tendencies

a)  US Defense Secretary William Cohen released a 63-page European Strategy Report on 1 December, stating that the future European strategy of the US must pay special attention to certain key regions adjacent to NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) members, such as the Caucasus region, the area around Turkey, and the Mediterranean’s southern littoral.  The implementation of the strategy will involve enhancing the Partnership for Peace (PfP) program and building cooperative relationships with the Russian Federation and with Ukraine.  A close, cooperative, coherent, and transparent relationship between NATO and the EU is also considered necessary.

The document also notes that the US reserves the right to act alone or within a coalition of the willing whenever the US's vital interests are at stake, and that a NATO-wide consensus for action does simply not exist.

b)  The UN Security Council adopted a resolution for tightening sanctions against the Taliban regime of Afghanistan on 19 December, because of the Taliban's failure to comply with council demands to turn over indicted terrorist Usama bin Laden.  The US and Russia, together with India, Kyrgystan, and Tajikistan submitted the draft resolution to the Security Council on 7 December.  China was the only permanent member of the UN Security Council that abstained.  The resolution requires the imposition of an arms embargo on the Taliban as well as the closure of Taliban offices and Ariana Afghan Airlines around the world.  The sanctions should lead to the freezing of the assets of Usama bin Laden and his organization Al-Qaida, and to the prohibition of the sale to Afghanistan of a key chemical used in processing opium into heroin.  Bin Laden has been indicted in the 1998 bombing of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

The joint Russian-US diplomatic pressure on the Taliban regime has a definite political impact on two Russian neighbors (Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) who developed bilateral ties with the regime in Kabul in recent months.  Russia has the potential to broaden this pressure to other issues such as the participation of Uzbekistan in CIS activities, and the oil and gas routes from Turkmenistan to the world markets.  Two other countries of the CIS family – Kazakhstan and Kirgistan – are also influenced as to how they should develop their relations with Kabul.  Both countries experience a strong Islamic influence, stemming from the Talibans.

The Taliban response to the sanctions on 20 December was the order for Afghans to boycott products from the two sponsors of the UN Security Council Resolution: the US and Russia.  The Taliban regime also promised to close UN political offices and expel its eight staff members when the sanctions take effect.  According to the resolution, new sanctions will follow against Afghanistan if the Talibans do not surrender Osama bin Laden and do not close terrorist training camps.

2.  Sources of Conflict in the Black Sea-Caspian Sea Region

a.  the Delimitation of the Caspian Sea.  Russia substantially modified its position on the delimitation of the Caspian Sea during the last months of 2000.  Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan have long advocated the division of the Caspian Sea into national sectors along its middle line.  Turkmenistan, Iran, and Russia insisted on working on the concept of joint use of the Caspian Sea resources.  In the meantime Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan were increasing the volume of drilling work in the Caspian Sea.  Viktor Kaliuzhin, the special adviser to the Russian president on Caspian Sea affairs, presented to the other littoral countries Moscow's new proposal.  According to this the seabed and the water above it are to be divided into national sectors in the following way: 16 per cent to Russia, 14 per cent to Iran, 21 per cent to Turkmenistan, 20per cent to Azerbaijan, and 29 per cent to Kazakhstan.  The Russian desire to turn the Caspian Sea into an internal sea for the littoral states is understandable; in light of the traditional influence over the post-Soviet new independent states, Moscow is expecting to have the major influence on issues of Caspian Sea regulation.  Russia struck a bilateral deal in 1998 with Kazakhstan which divided only the seabed; this was clearly in line with Russia’s perceived interest.  A similar treaty was prepared with Azerbaijan at the end of November 2000.  Russia’s hopes are that Turkmenistan and Iran may follow the Azerbaijan example.  The problems, however, are not between Russia and Kazakhstan, nor between Russia and Azerbaijan; the long-running argument about boundaries is between Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan.  A fundamental issue is Iran’s position of disputing the whole basis of dividing the sea.

In the absence of new agreements, the Caspian Sea is regulated under international law by the Soviet Russia-Iran agreement of 1921.  The rise of new independent states has raised the issue of the precise demarcation of seabed boundaries, which is a vital consideration for oil and gas field development.  An eventual arrangement among the littoral states of the Caspian Sea would improve the legal aspects of the security of the international oil companies seeking oil and gas under the Caspian Sea.  Environmental protection would be promoted and could lead to coordinated protection against sturgeon poaching.

b.  the Oil and Gas Issue.  (1)  The Russian natural gas monopolist Gasprom started the implementation of earlier warnings that it will commence construction of gas pipelines that will bypass Ukraine, which is blamed for stealing large amounts of the energy resource.  Gasprom began constructing a gas pipeline to Western Europe through Belarus and Poland on 18 October.  Ruhrgas, Wintershall of Germany, Gas de France, and ENI of Italy have joined forces with Gasprom in the project worth US$ 2 billion.  Gasprom does not agree with the claim that the project is "anti-Ukrainian", because Ukraine needs to increase its yearly exports from 130 to 200 billion cubic meters.

(2)  It was announced in Istanbul on 16 November that the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil pipeline project has received US$ 26 million for basic engineering studies, and that a group of eight oil companies has formed a sponsors' group of project investors.  The underlying objective of the pipeline project, according to the US administration, is to empower the people and governments of the Caspian region to have choices, to foster sustainable and balanced economic growth, and to develop efficient and transparent government structures based on the rule of law.

(3)  According to US sources, the demand for natural gas in Turkey is expected to more than triple over the next ten years, from 15 to 50 billion cubic meters.  Jan Kalicki, counselor to the US Department of Commerce, said in Istanbul on 17 November that while some may see commercial opportunities in courting Iran, regional leaders are increasingly aware that their best political and economic interests will often not coincide with those of Iran and, in any event, Iran should not be allowed to act as a spigot for Caspian oil and gas.  Kalicki also said that whatever the changes in Washington during the coming months, the US position towards Iran will remain firm.

 

III.   CONFLICTS AND POST-CONFLICT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE BLACK SEA AREA

1.  Post-Conflict Issues in Chechnya

Chechen rebels continue their tactics that terrorize the Russian federal forces and kill many soldiers and officers: hit-and-run attacks, ambushes, and bombings.  Though Russian troops have occupied most of Chechnya, they have not yet managed to stamp out resistance.

Russian authorities facilitated the return to Chechnya of an Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) assistance group at the beginning of November.  It was formed and sent to Chechnya in April 1995, but was temporarily withdrawn to Moscow in December 1998 because of the deteriorating security situation.

In October the head of the Moscow-appointed interim administration, Akhmed Kadyrov, has prevailed over his troublesome deputy, Beslan Gantemirov, in securing Moscow’s creation of a new, more disciplined militia.  Interior forces are supposed to replace army units gradually over the next four months, which are being withdrawn partly for cost reasons.

According to a decree issued on 4 November by the Russian prime minister, Mikhail Kassyanov,  the oil and gas company Grozneftgas will manage this sector of the economy in Chechnya.  Grozneftgas is the daughter company of Rosneft, and 49 per cent of its capital is owned by the Chechen government.  The company is licensed to transport and trade oil outside the Russian territory, and the sharing of profits will most probably be controlled by the Russian Government.

The new religious Muslim leader of Chechnya, Akhmed Shamaev, who replaced Akhmed Kadyrov, said in November that he will support the Chechen administration in its efforts to restore peace and stop hatred.  Liberating Chechnya from terrorists and freedom for ordinary Chechen people are his major objectives.

In the last days of November, Russian President Vladimir Putin introduced a new governmental position of minister of the Russian Federation for Chechnya.  The purpose is to improve the coordination of the federal executive authorities in their efforts to foster the social and economic development of the republic.  The former administrative chief of the Orenburg oblast, Vladimir Elagin, was appointed to this position.

2.  The Abkhasian Conflict

A CIS working group meeting in Moscow on 23-25 October to regulate the Abkhasian conflict did not produce any results.  The return of refugees is incomplete and the practice of abducting UN servicemen is continuing.   A Greek and a Polish member of the UN mission to Georgia were taken hostage in mid-December.  Earlier this year four other members of the same mission were kidnapped and later released.  The Abkhasian conflict is a permanent destabilizing factor in Georgian-Russian relations.  A meeting between leaders of the breakaway Abkhasian republic and the Russian Foreign Ministry at the beginning of December confirmed that a planned withdrawal of Russian military equipment from the Russian military base at Gudauta will proceed as scheduled with 78 armored vehicles and 11 artillery pieces leaving the area.  The Abkhasian leaders promised to not obstruct the withdrawal and the Russians expressed hopes that Tbilisi will facilitate the operation.

3.  The Transdniestria Conflict

The unrecognized breakaway republic of Transdniestria (in Moldova) held general elections on 10 December to elect 43 deputies to its parliament, choosing from 230 candidates.  The political objectives of most of the candidates are international recognition of the republic, closer links with Russia, and the permanent presence of the Russian military on their territory.  Moldovan President Petru Luchinski declared on 11 December that the elections were illegal, which further exacerbated the conflicting issues.  The participation in the elections was low at 44 per cent, although the minimum requirement is for 25 per cent of eligible voters to participate.  However, according to official Moldovan sources, the low turnout is indicative of lost trust in the secessionist leaders.  The predominantly Slavic populated Transdniestrian region separated from Moldova in 1990, before the collapse of the USSR, due to fears that the Romanian-dominated population of Moldova will try to unite with neighboring Romania.  The military conflict in 1992 caused hundreds of deaths on both sides.  Moscow subsequently stationed its 14th army, and only after international pressure promised to withdraw its troops from the area.  The Transdniestria republic has its own currency, constitution, and armed forces.  The remaining 2'600 Russian soldiers are expected to leave by the end of 2001.  Some Russian dual-use equipment was withdrawn from the Transdniestria region of Moldova at the beginning of December.

A meeting of the foreign ministers of the four unrecognized breakaway republics of Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhasia, Southern Ossetia, and Transdniestria was convened in Tiraspol, the capital of the Transdniestria republic, on 20-22 November.  The ministers discussed joining forces in establishing their independent status and intensifying bilateral cooperation.  The four republics regularly exchange delegations for their national holidays and for monitoring elections.

IV.   THE NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES: SPECIFIC DEVELOPMENTS

1.  Azerbaijan

The general elections of 5 November in Azerbaijan resulted in the victory of the party of President Geydar Aliev, of the "New Azerbaijan" party, with more than 70 per cent of the vote.  Many in Azerbaijan called the results "Aliev family’s victory", because the son of the president, Ilham Aliev, presided over the list of candidates of the presidential party.  The president’s son is considered to be the main contender for the position of the president in the 2003 elections.  Even the final decision of President Aliev to allow opposition parties to take part in the parliamentary elections is viewed by observers as a move to make the accession by his son smoother, rather than an obedient act to Western pressure for greater democracy.

OSCE representatives stated that the elections fell short of international standards for democratic elections, and the political opposition in Azerbaijan did not accept the victory of the New Azerbaijan party.  A 70'000-strong demonstration against the election results took place in Baku on 19 November, and some 50 opposition members were arrested after clashes with riot police.

2.  Georgia

The Georgian minister of justice, Mikhail Saakashvili, announced at the beginning of November a prize worth more than US$ 2'000 for every citizen who can prove corruption charges against civil servants of the Justice Ministry.  Georgian President Shevardnadze announced the establishment of a coordinating bureau for fighting corruption with the president’s office.  Highly respected and non-corruptible representatives of society will staff the bureau.

3.  Russia

Russian President Putin said on 30 November that the proposal for merging Belarus and Russia would require careful consideration, suggesting that a speedy merger is not a Russian priority.  The two states reached an agreement for launching monetary union in 2006, with a common currency by 2008.

4.  Ukraine

(1)  Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma appointed Anatoliy Zlenko, a professional diplomat since 1967, as the foreign minister of Ukraine on 2 October.  This followed the dismissal of Borys Tarasyuk on 29 September, who was closely associated with the European and Euro-Atlantic course of the country.  Zlenko is a former foreign minister of Ukraine (from July 1990 until August 1994), permanent representative and ambassador plenipotentiary to the UN (from September 1994 until September 1997), and ambassador to France (from September 1997).  Analysts in Ukraine and in the West consider the new foreign minister as a person who is more acceptable to Russia.

(2)  The Chernobyl nuclear power plant was closed in a solemn ceremony, directed by the Ukrainian president, on 15 December.  The fatal accident on 26 April 1986 caused the largest peaceful radioactive contamination in history.  Life in the area around the nuclear plant will be highly dangerous for at least the next 300 years.  The West will compensate the energy system of Ukraine by subsidizing the construction of two safe nuclear power plants, and will provide funds for the burial of the Chernobyl reactors.

 

V.   BILATERAL AND THE MULTILATERAL RELATIONS IN THE BLACK SEA AREA

1.  Bilateral Relations

a)  Russia-Georgia

(1)  Russia introduced a visa regime for Georgians on 5 December.  Abkhasians and Southern Ossetians are exceptions to this regime.  The privileges are given to residents of two separatist regions, and Georgians perceive this Russian move as running against the official Russian policy of supporting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Georgia.  Russia openly objects to Tbilisi's support of Islamists residing in Georgia.  Georgia has protested at the UN that this act of Moscow is a violation of international law.  In response Georgia imposed a visa requirement for Russians.  Georgian President Shevardnadze said on 4 December that: "No one is hiding anymore the fact that the decision to introduce the visa regime comes from our refusal to let Russian troops through our territory", hinting that Russian federal troops may fight the Chechen separatists.

(2)  Russian and Georgian representatives continued their talks concerning the presence of Russian military bases in Georgia, at the end of October and December.  The first two of four Russian bases are expected to be closed by 1 July 2001.  There are Russian proposals to use the two other bases for joint multilateral peacekeeping purposes.  The two sides will continue their negotiations at the beginning of 2001.

b)  Armenia-Turkey

It was announced on 3 November that Armenian President Robert Kocherian is willing to start a dialogue with Turkey for improving bilateral relations.  The state secretary of Turkey, Abdulhaluk Chay, said on 4 November that he does not exclude the possibility of normalizing relations with Armenia, on the condition that Yerevan gives up its "historical claims" from Ankara.  As a first step he suggested that Yerevan withdraws Armenian troops from Nagorno-Karabakh.

The French senate adopted a resolution early in November (with 164 votes for and 40 votes against) that recognizes the genocide of the Ottoman Empire against the Armenians in 1918.  The political weight of the resolution has been diminished by the position of the French president and government, stating that this act has been the parliament’s initiative and that France works strongly on the Turkish accession to the EU.  The European parliament voted in mid-November (with 234 votes for and 213 against) to adopt a resolution stating that the recognition and condemnation of the genocide against the Armenians by the Ottoman Empire in the period 1915-1923 is an obligatory condition to Turkey’s accession to the EU.  Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit reacted by stating that the European parliament has no right to force its own arbitrary decisions onto Ankara.  The US administration succeeded in October in stopping a similar motion in the US Congress that would have endangered the effectiveness of the American-Turkish bilateral strategic relationship.  This dispute indicates what efforts would be needed to bring Turkish society and its political elite in line with the rest of Europe.

c)  Armenia-Azerbaijan

(1)  An international mediation team met in separate meetings on 11 December with the presidents of the two countries to discuss ways of reducing occasional violence along the common border.  The mediation also aims to prepare talks between the two leaders for discussing the settlement of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh.  Confidence-building measures and improvement in the discipline of the border troops of the two countries is crucial for the solution of the broader bilateral issues.

(2)  The defense ministers of the two countries met on 15 December in the border area between Armenia and Azerbaijan, close to the Nakhichevan enclave.  They discussed the implementation of the ceasefire agreement and agreed to take additional measures to prevent sporadic breaches of the enforced regime.  The ministers agreed also to improve the mechanism of exchanging prisoners of war.

d)  Ukraine-Turkey

The presidents of the two countries, Leonid Kuchma and Ahmed Sezer, signed nine bilateral agreements at the end of November, on the prevention of nuclear disasters, cooperation in the fields of justice, health, and communications, and the exchange of military and technological expertise.  Both countries have a substantial impact on the regional security situation and stability.  Both presidents displayed an interest in strengthening economic and defense industry cooperation.  Ukraine is particularly interested in selling its technologically advanced tank to Turkey, which is also somewhat cheaper than similar alternatives.

e)  Bulgaria-Russia, Bulgaria-Ukraine, Bulgaria-Georgia

In light of its new Schengen obligations, Bulgaria started in December the procedure of terminating the bilateral free-visa regime with Russia, Ukraine, and Georgia.  The free movement of Bulgarian citizens for three months in the Schengen European area requires the introduction of additional measures to tighten border controls and the visa regimes with other Bulgarian partners.  At the same time Bulgaria has proposed the launch of negotiations for signing bilateral agreements with the three countries for re-admission into the free-visa agreement, which would facilitate bilateral contacts in various areas.  Russia was the only Bulgarian partner that claims it has insurmountable difficulties in signing a bilateral agreement for re-admission, which may leave bilateral contacts at a more bureaucratically burdened visa regime.  Russia has kept this situation for many years in spite of the free-visa agreement, by including the "priglashenie" (invitation) element as an obligatory and discriminating part of the otherwise free-visa arrangement.

2.  Multilateral Relations

a)  Cooperation in the Caucasian Region

The interior ministers of Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia met in Sochi at the beginning of October and agreed to strengthen their cooperation in fighting terrorism in the Northern Caucasus. The Ministers signed three documents of cooperation that provide better exchange of information on criminals, especially assassins, terrorists, drug dealers, and arms smugglers.

b)  The CIS

Russia introduced special rules of residence for the citizens of the other CIS states on 1 October; the so-called "near abroad". These rules are identical to the rules of the residents from the so-called "far abroad".  The "near abroad" citizens who intend to reside in Russia will need to obtain the Russian equivalent of the US "green card". Russia expects to process some 10'000-11'000 applications per year for residence in Moscow alone, but there are no indications as to how many of these will be granted.  Further changes in the relations of Russia with the other CIS members are expected.

Belarus convened a CIS summit meeting in Minsk from 30 November to 1 December.  All the presidents of the CIS member states (except for the Turkmeni one, Saparmurat Niazov, who did not attend the meeting) agreed to establish an anti-terrorism center and approved to jointly meet the expenses of holding similar summits in the future.  Russia agreed in December to take on 50 per cent of the funding of the anti-terrorism center in 2001. The center will employ 60 people.

 

VI.   STATE OF THE REGIONAL INITIATIVES

1.  The Economic Situation in the Individual Countries and in the Region

a)  Moldova-IMF

An IMF mission visited Moldova at the end of October.  The Moldovan parliament continues to block the privatization of the tobacco and wine production facilities of the country, and prevents government efforts to obtain much needed support from the IMF.  The World Bank may also credit the Moldovan government in its foreign-debt restructuring efforts if by the end of 2000 the parliament decides to privatize the tobacco and wine sectors of the country’s economy.

b)  Russia

The Russian prime minister reported to an international economic forum in Moscow at the beginning of December that the Russian economy is improving.  He confirmed the expectation of 7 per cent economic growth in 2000, including 10 per cent industrial growth.  Inflation continued to decrease this year after the dramatic events in Russia in 1998, and the expectations are of 21.5 per cent by the end of this year and of 12-14 per cent in 2001.  The state of the crops this year and the expectations for the next one motivated the Russian agrarian minister, Aleksey Gordeev, to say at the beginning of November that Russia will not purchase wheat in 2001.  A high-priority task is the regulation of the market and the establishment of a grains stock exchange in Russia.  The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development decided in November to invest US$ 160 million in improving the organization basis of the Russian agrarian sector.

c)  Russia-US Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC)

OPIC announced on 15 December that it will reinstate political risk insurance for US investments in Russia.  OPIC reached this conclusion after discussions in Moscow between the OPIC president and chief executive officer George Munoz and Russian finance minister Aleksey Kudrin.  Munoz said that this reinstatement of inconvertibility insurance was a reflection of the progress that the Russian government has made in implementing economic reforms.

d)  Russia-US Commerce Department

Counselor to the US Department of Commerce, Jan H. Kalicki, said at a Russian energy summit meeting in Moscow on 8 December that the development of Russia’s energy sector has the potential to revitalize the entire economy.  Improving the legal framework, and involvement in broader energy and transportation projects covering the territory of the former Soviet Union are considered to be priority tasks.  The Caspian Pipeline Consortium was cited by Kalicki as an example of how Russian and Western companies can work together in creating transportation solutions for the region.  Russia has the chance to make the BTC pipeline another example of regional cooperation, with Russia’s offshore Caspian projects potentially benefiting from the use of the BTC pipeline.

e)  Ukraine-OPIC

In Kiev on 18 December Munoz encouraged Ukraine to accelerate the pace of its economic and political reforms as the best way to attract US investment.  By now OPIC-supported funds have invested more than US$ 84 million in 40 companies in Ukraine.

2.  Political and Security Aspects of the Black Sea Regional Cooperation

The regular meeting of foreign ministers of the OBSEC ended in Bucharest on 21 October.  Still ineffective in its delivery, OBSEC member states again wished the organization to start working.  However, no significant projects are currently planned within OBSEC.

VII.   EXTERANL FACTORS (STATES AND INSTITUTIONS) INFLUENCING THE BLACK SEA REGION

1.  USA

USA-Russia.  (1)  The export-import (Ex-Im) Bank of the US announced in Moscow on 5 December that it has identified 15 Russian banks, including 11 private sector banks, as creditworthy partners that it will work with in financing Russian purchases of US goods and services.  (2)  General Henry H. Shelton, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, visited Russia from 11-13 December upon the invitation of his counterpart Army General Anatoliy V. Kvashnin, chief of the General Staff and first deputy minister of defense.  The two military leaders signed the US-Russian military-to-military program for 2001.

USA-Ukraine.  (1)  The US Senate approved the US-Ukraine Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty on 18 October, which was signed by both parties on 22 July 1998.  Ukraine already ratified the treaty in September of this year.  The treaty provides a formal intergovernmental mechanism through which the two countries will be able to provide each other with evidence and other assistance in criminal investigations and proceedings.  (2)  US Secretary of Defense William Cohen and Ukrainian Minister of Defense Oleksandr  Kuzmuk signed a Plan of Cooperation for 2001 in Brussels on 5 December during the NATO defense ministerial.  It is designed to meet mutually agreed-upon goals in eight main areas, including interoperability, force professionalism, and defense restructuring, and it will continue their cooperative threat-reduction program.

USA-Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan.  Under the auspices of the Department of State, US military personnel are teaching select groups of Georgian, Armenian, and Azerbaijani soldiers modern demining techniques at a military base in Georgia – techniques they can later use at home.  The first group graduated on 2 November. US State Department sources said that the training is needed because these former Soviet republics are all affected by landmines that were placed on their territories during conflicts that arose prior to and after the break-up of the USSR.  Many landmines from those conflicts remain hazardous today.  The US military contingent is also teaching the deminers how to carry out mine-awareness education campaigns.

2.  Council of Europe (CE)

CE-Armenia, Azerbaijan.

After two days of heated debates during the middle of November the foreign ministers of the CE member states decided to accept Armenia and Azerbaijan as members of the organization simultaneously.  Their membership was conditional on the two countries’ introduction of changes in their constitutions, and election and media laws.

3.  EU

EU-Russia.

President Putin was in Paris on 30 October for the sixth Russia-EU summit with the French presidency and the EU highest-level representatives.  A grand bargain in the global energy game was drafted: in return for helping Russia to develop its vast oil and natural gas reserves, the heavily fuel-dependent economies of the EU would be able to ensure long-term (around 20-year) supplies.  More needs to be done to shape the legal framework of the deal.  The two sides also agreed for the first time on a joint statement that a political solution should be found urgently for the conflict in Chechnya.  They also agreed to strengthen security ties and increase Russia’s involvement in future EU-led crisis management operations. In Berlin on 26 November the Russian foreign minister called for a "strategic partnership" with the EU as a sign of strengthening relations between the two regions of Europe, and said that the defense links of Russia and the EU can extend to the deployment of Russian troops alongside EU forces in tackling international crises.

4.  NATO

NATO-Russia.

Russia continued the recent warming of its bilateral ties to NATO at the regular meeting in Brussels of the Council NATO-Russia.  Russia will re-open the NATO information center in Moscow.  Broadening of cooperation in the context of PfP and peacekeeping operations is expected, including – in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina – in the area of military education.  After the Joint Council meeting the Russian defense minister, Igor Sergeev, said that the two sides have agreed to set up a joint system to prevent accidents involving submarines and naval vessels, and to respond to those in distress.

NATO-Ukraine.

The NATO-Ukraine commission ministerial issued a joint statement in Brussels on 14 December that they have developed an ambitious work plan for 2001.  The plan emphasizes political consultation and practical cooperation, including defense reform.  The Commission meeting also concluded that the defense reform in Ukraine has been slow.  Budget shortfalls have limited new reform initiatives.  The existing regulations in bilateral relations inhibit the sharing of information.  Budget planning, parliamentary oversight, civilian control of the military, interoperability with NATO forces, and the development of a rapid deployment force are the areas of cooperation that are needed by Ukraine with its partners in NATO.

 

VIII.   THE SECURITY SITUATION AND THE REGION-BUILDING OPPORTUNITIES: CONCLUSIONS

The security situation in the broader Black Sea-Caspian Sea area continues to be undermined by the conflicts in the area.  Signs of rising international cooperation against terrorism coincide with improved cooperation between the US, NATO, and the EU, with Russia, Ukraine, and other states from the region.  This tendency overlaps with an improving economic situation in Russia, and with rising chances of sharing economic interests among various players in the diversified production and transportation of oil and gas from the area to world markets.  In the last three months a clear geopolitical and geoeconomic shift of the western part of the Black Sea basin towards the EU promised new chances for closer involvement of the eastern part of the same region in mutually profitable relations with the EU.


EDITORIAL STAFF:

CONTACT AND REFERENCE

Dr. Plamen Pantev, Editor–in–Chief

ISSN 1311 – 3240

Dr. Tatiana Houbenova-Delissivkova

Address: ISIS, 1618 Sofia,

Mr. Valeri Rachev, M. A.

P. O. Box 231, Bulgaria

Mr. Ivan Tsvetkov, M. A.

E-Mail Address: isis@cserv.mgu.bg

Dr. Todor Tagarev

 

 


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